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超越“确保摧毁”:核武器数量、承诺可信度与核威慑原理

            期成本远低于直接实施核报复的预期成本,因此更加可信。   以这种方式实现威慑
                                                                  ①
            的关键是,威慑方必须设法将事态推向失控的边缘,使冲突的进程和前景在一定程
            度上超出冲突双方的主观可控范围。
                                              ②
                这种威慑方式生效的过程类似下面这种情境:两个人被绳子绑在一起站在悬崖边,
            显然,其中任何一人对另一人说“你如果攻击我,我就把你推下悬崖”,后者都不会相
            信。但前者可以故意把两人尽量拖向悬崖边缘,甚至一只脚悬空,从而造成一种随时

            可能失控的不稳定状态。此时,两人的任何肢体碰撞,或者脚下石子滑落,甚至一阵
            风,抑或前者恐高引起的眩晕,都有可能使两人跌下悬崖,此时停止攻击、主动后退
                                    ③
            就会成为后者的理性选择。   这种威慑方式也因此被称为“边缘策略”(brinkmanship)。
            另一个类似的情境是两个不会游泳的人在一条独木舟上,其中一人为慑止另一人的攻

            击,显然不能以将舟弄翻相威胁,但前者可以将舟左右摇晃。舟摇晃的幅度越大,两
            人淹死的风险就越大,但同时,后者为规避这一风险而停止攻击的概率也越大。
                                                                                   ④
                 从上述情境所展示的威慑生效原理可以看出,在冲突失控将给双方都造成不可

            承受的损失的情况下,博弈双方谁愿意承担更大的失控风险,谁就能够迫使另一方
                   ⑤
            让步。   愿意承担的失控风险大小反映的是在冲突中坚持下去的决心(resolve),

                ①  Robert Powell,  “Crisis  Bargaining, Escalation, and  MAD,”  The American Political Science
            Review, Vol. 81, No. 3, 1987, p. 719.
                ②  Thomas C. Schelling,  The Strategy of Conflict, Cambridge,  MA: Harvard University Press,
            1960, p. 188.
                ③  参见 Thomas C. Schelling, Arms and Influence, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1966, p. 99。
                ④  参见 Thomas  C. Schelling,  The Strategy  of Conflict, Cambridge, MA:  Harvard University
            Press, 1960, p. 196; Thomas C. Schelling,  Arms and Influence, New Haven: Yale University Press,
            1966, p. 91。
                ⑤  Thomas C.  Schelling,  Arms and Influence,  New Haven: Yale University Press, 1966,  pp.
            92-125; Glenn H. Snyder and Paul Diesing, Conflict among Nations: Bargaining, Decision Making,
            and System Structure in International Crises, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977, pp. 456-458;
            Robert Jervis,  “Deterrence Theory Revisited,”  World Politics, Vol.  31, No. 2, 1979, pp.  291-292;
            Robert Jervis, “Why Nuclear Superiority Doesn’t Matter,” Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 94, No. 4,
            1979/1980, p. 631; Kenneth N. Waltz, “Toward Nuclear Peace,” in Robert J. Art and Kenneth N. Waltz,
            eds., The Use of Force (Second Edtion), Lanham: University Press  of  America, 1983, pp. 589-590;
            Robert Jervis, The Illogic of American Nuclear Strategy, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1984, pp.
            126-46; Robert Powell, “The  Theoretical Foundations of Strategic Nuclear  Deterrence,”  Political
            Science  Quarterly,  Vol.  100, No.  1,  1985, p.  78;  Richard K. Betts,  Nuclear Blackmail and Nuclear
            Balance, Washington D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1987, pp. 11-12; Robert Jervis, The Meaning of
            the Nuclear Revolution, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989, pp. 38-41, 105; Robert Powell,
            Nuclear Deterrence Theory: The Search for Credibility, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990,
            pp.  33-45;  Robert Powell, “Nuclear Deterrence  Theory, Nuclear Proliferation, and National Missile
            Defense,” International Security, Vol. 27, No. 4, 2003, pp. 89-97.

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