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超越“确保摧毁”:核武器数量、承诺可信度与核威慑原理

            争爆发的概率,那么核战争的风险 r=κ×ɛ,对此“稳定/不稳定悖论”指出,ɛ 值
                                               ①
            的升高/降低会导致κ值的降低/升高。   总之,核层面的稳定会引发常规层面的不
            稳定,核层面的不稳定会促成常规层面的稳定。
                                                        ②
                 现在假设有 A 和 B 两个有核国家,其中 A 国的核武器数量低于确保摧毁门槛,
            并且 A、B 两国都知道这一点。当 A、B 两国发生危机时,B 国显然有发动预防性
            打击预先消灭 A 国核武器的动机。A 国当然也能预见 B 国的这一动机,为避免自

            己有限的核武器在 B 国的首次打击下被全部消灭或者所剩无几以至于无法对 B 国
            造成显著伤害,A 国有动机抢先对 B 国发动先发制人式核打击。   可见,一国核
                                                                        ③
            武器数量低于确保摧毁门槛的确会导致战略(核)层面的不稳定,亦即导致常规冲
            突升级为核冲突的风险(ɛ)升高。但根据“稳定/不稳定悖论”,ɛ 值升高将导致κ

            值降低,核战争风险(r)因此并不必然增加。与之对比,如果 A、B 两国核武器

                ①  Robert Powell,  “Nuclear Brinkmanship, Limited War, and  Military Power,”  International
            Organization, Vol. 69, No. 3, 2015, p. 596.
                ②  对“稳定/不稳定悖论”的形式化证明参见 Robert Powell, “Nuclear Brinkmanship, Limited
            War, and Military Power,” International Organization, Vol. 69, No. 3, 2015, pp. 589-626。统计证明参
            见 Daniel S. Geller, “Nuclear Weapons, Deterrence, and Crisis Escalation,”  The  Journal of Conflict
            Resolution, Vol. 34, No. 2, 1990, pp. 291-310;  Robert Rauchhaus,  “Evaluating the Nuclear  Peace
            Hypothesis: A Quantitative Approach,” The Journal of Conflict Resolution, Vol. 53, No. 2, 2009, pp.
            258-277;  Matthew Kroenig  and  Robert  F. Trager,  “Nuclear Stability and  Conventional  Conflict,”
            manuscript,  October 28, 2015,  http://www.roberttrager.com/Research_files/KT2012.pdf;  Bryan Early
            and  Victor Asal,  “Nuclear  Weapons,  Existential  Threats,  and the  Stability–Instability  Paradox,”  The
            Nonproliferation Review, Vol. 25, No. 3/4, 2018, pp. 223-247。关于中美、印巴等有核国家安全关系
            进程符合“稳定/不稳定悖论”的论述,参见 Joshua Rovner,  “Two Kinds  of Catastrophe: Nuclear
            Escalation and Protracted War in Asia,” Journal of Strategic Studies, Vol. 40, No. 5, 2017, pp. 696-730;
            S. Paul Kapur, “India and Pakistan’s Unstable Peace: Why Nuclear South Asia is Not Like Cold War
            Europe,” International Security, Vol. 30, No. 2, 2005, pp. 127-152; Dinshaw Mistry, “Complexity of
            Deterrence among New Nuclear States: The India-Pakistan Case,” in T. V. Paul, Patrick M. Morgan and
            James  J. Wirtz,  eds.,  Complex Deterrence:  Strategy in the Global Age, Chicago:  The University of
            Chicago Press, 2009, pp.  183-203; Evan  Braden  Montgomery and  Eric  S. Edelman,  “Rethinking
            Stability in South Asia: India, Pakistan, and the Competition for Escalation Dominance,” Journal of
            Strategic Studies, Vol. 38, No. 1-2, 2015, pp. 159-182。中国战略界对中美危机稳定性的理解也与“稳
            定/不稳定悖论”的逻辑相吻合,参见 Fiona S. Cunningham  and  M. Taylor Fravel,  “Dangerous
            Confidence? Chinese Views on Nuclear Escalation,” International Security, Vol. 44, No. 2, 2019, pp.
            61-109。当然,也有少数学者从“稳定”的界定和衡量标准角度对“稳定/不稳定悖论”提出质
            疑,参见胡高辰、李彬:《稳定—不稳定悖论的批判与美国的安全研究范式分析》,载《国际论坛》
            2018 年第 4 期,第 53-54 页。
                ③  Charles L. Glaser, Analyzing Strategic Nuclear Policy, Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University
            Press, 1990, p. 45.

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